The report opens with the delegates' journey from Marseilles to Port Said in December 1916, noting the bureaucratic steps—obtaining berths via the War Office—that frame their official access. The narrative then shifts to specific camp inspections, beginning with Heliopolis, where the description of barracks built with reeds and tarred felt, and the sandy soil's dryness, grounds the account in material detail.

Throughout, the delegates balance quantitative data (3,906 prisoners at Heliopolis, meat served six times weekly) with qualitative observations, such as the ventilation in reed huts or the personal complaints of a doctor's wife. This dual focus—statistical and anecdotal—shapes the report's credibility.

Camp Layout and Accommodation

The report meticulously describes each camp's physical arrangement. At Heliopolis, barracks are grouped in parallel lines separated by 65-foot passages, built from wood frames with reed infill and thatched roofs edged with tarred felt. The sandy soil is noted as dry and free of dampness. At Ras-el-Tin, civilians are housed in circular tents on sand or cement bases, each containing three men and a wire-work cupboard. Stone buildings with verandas are reserved for the elderly or infirm. These details reveal a systematic approach to documenting living conditions, emphasizing ventilation, dryness, and space per prisoner.

Food, Complaints, and Verification

The delegates investigate specific allegations, such as those by Dr. Suleïman Bey and his wife. They cross-check claims: Mme. S. said meat was served three times weekly, but the delegates found it was six times, a quarter-pound per person. She complained about cheese and olives, then admitted the cheese was merely too salty and the olives monotonous. The report contrasts her complaints with the general satisfaction of other prisoners, noting she could afford canteen purchases. This method—recording accusations, then presenting counter-evidence from registers and interviews—demonstrates the delegates' investigative role.

Medical Care and Sick Children

Dr. Suleïman Bey also claimed his two sick children received no medical care. The delegates examined them: one had ophthalmia now cured, with no photophobia or redness; the other had enlarged sub-maxillary glands that were reduced. Both were repeatedly entered in the infirmary register under Dr. Captain Scrimgeour's care, and their mother had expressed gratitude. The report uses clinical language—'no trace of photophobia remains, no redness nor oedema'—to refute the complaint, grounding its authority in direct medical observation.

Movement Between Camps and Broader Context

The delegates note that Ras-el-Tin camp was to be evacuated, with prisoners transferred to Sidi Bishr, a new camp for 5,000. They also mention that some Ottoman prisoners were captured while on pilgrimage to Mecca and handed over by Sherif's troops. Though their mission focused on Turkish prisoners, they interviewed Austro-Germans interned alongside them. This movement—between camps, between nationalities, and between civilian and military status—underscores the fluidity of wartime internment in Egypt, a setting where the Red Cross delegates acted as both inspectors and intermediaries.

Readers should attend to how the delegates weave together physical descriptions, statistical tables, and personal testimonies. The report's structure—moving from camp to camp, addressing complaints systematically—mirrors its purpose: to provide an evidence-based account that could be verified by other parties. The photographs mentioned but not reproduced here would have added another layer of documentation. This is a document of inspection, not advocacy, and its value lies in the concrete details it preserves.